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Red of face, bulbous of nose, chunky of build, erratic in behavior, Long in his four years as majority whip had virtually abdicated his responsibilities in the job. He left the routine work to Mansfield, Byrd and others, and sometimes even worked at cross purposes with Mansfield. In the last Congress he tied up the Senate for six weeks while vainly fighting for his pet bill on campaign financing. When he decided to defend Connecticut's Thomas Dodd against charges of improper use of campaign funds, Long's strident, stubborn advocacy produced almost as much embarrassment for the Senate as did Dodd's activities. A hawk on Viet Nam, Long has also consistently and rigidly opposed civil rights legislation. While fancying himself something of a Populist in his father's tradition, he has generally been against urban-oriented social-welfare programs and tax reform.
Making the Decision
Long had considerable strength. Many Senators—and many of their constituents and campaign contributors—have vital stakes in the Finance Committee's power over tax legislation. Long also had on his side the tradition of deference to seniority. Theoretically, at least, it would have been easier for a Senator older than Kennedy to make the challenge. Muskie had seemed a logical choice and Kennedy was prepared to back him. But as Kennedy began a Christmas vacation with his family that took them first to Florida and then to Sun Valley, Idaho, the word got out that Muskie had decided not to compete with Long. From Sun Valley, Kennedy telephoned Muskie to be certain of his position. "If you're absolutely sure you won't run," said Kennedy, "maybe I will." Replied Muskie: "Do. I urge you to." During the next couple of days, Kennedy conferred with aides and like-minded Senate colleagues. Among them: Joseph Tydings of Maryland, Birch Bayh of Indiana, Henry ("Scoop") Jackson of Washington, and Bob Kennedy's old friend and supporter, George McGovern of South Dakota.
Several of those he consulted reacted negatively. "Why?" some asked him. "Are you sure this is something you want?" Others expressed doubt that the fight was worthwhile, or that it could be won. Kennedy's standard comeback: "Why not?" No one gave what he considered a valid reason for hanging back. Indeed, the more Senators he talked to, the more he became convinced he could win. He already had Muskie's support. Hubert Humphrey, though lacking a vote, was willing to lend his name to the effort. New Hampshire's Thomas McIntyre also joined up. Mansfield, who had every practical reason for wanting to be rid of Long, could not commit himself publicly, but did nothing to discourage Kennedy when informed of his plans.
Despite the encouragement, it was not until Sunday, Dec. 29, just five days before the vote, that Kennedy made the final decision to go ahead. And it was not until the next day that he publicly announced his decision. By now he was reaching beyond his circle of Senate friends and those he could expect to be sympathetic. "There was no time to write letters," he says. "There was no time for personal contacts. The telephone is not very satisfactory, but it was the only way."
Working His Own Way