Nation: Trustee for Tomorrow: Republican Jacob Javits

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Javits' knowledgeable, purposive mien wins him the respect of many who abhor his philosophy—and generous support from those who share it. To raise funds for his 1962 campaign, 20 luncheons were held at New York's 21 Club, each for 24 persons. If the tab was high, the take was higher: $250,000 from the 480 guests. His financial backers are a wildly diverse group—thanks in part to Marion's standing in artistic-intellectual-entertainment circles. They have comprised a mint of Rockefellers, a socko of showbiz moguls from MCA's Jules Stein to the late Billy Rose, a tussle of tycoons that include Schenley's Lewis Rosenstiel and Seagram's Bronfman family, Macy's Jack Straus and Gimbel's Bernard Gimbel, Heinz Foods' H. J. Heinz II and Consolidated Foods' Nathan Cummings (see U.S. BUSINESS).

Teddy Rooseveltian. The Senator is repeatedly asked how a man of his liberalism can fit within the G.O.P. In conversation last week the question came up again, and Javits said: "My thinking is Lincolnian rather than Jeffersonian, Teddy Rooseveltian rather than Franklin D. Rooseveltian. Besides, I have a greater sense of advocacy of business than most Democrats."

To Javits, the battleground from now on will inevitably be in the big cities. Too often, he feels, the American view of politics is obscured by a gossamer veil of Jeffersonian romanticism carried over from a day when the idealized American was a frontier farmer.

"Those Republicans who are not willing to make a fight for the big cities," says Javits, "are in effect saying that they mean never to win a presidential election in modern times." As proof, he notes that Dwight Eisenhower carried 25 of the nation's 36 biggest cities in his 1956 landslide, Jack Kennedy took 22 in 1960—and Barry Goldwater a scant six in 1964. "Republicans can indeed win in the cities," Javits argues, "if they are forceful, energetic and imaginative enough to offer programs to tackle and solve the problems of the cities." John Lindsay proved as much in winning New York City's mayoral race —with tireless help from Javits.

Unwise Ardor. If Javits were indeed to win the G.O.P. vice-presidential nomination, what impact might he have? Conservatives, mostly south of the Ma-son-Dixon line and west of the Mississippi, argue that he would hurt the party. Actually, while he would no doubt hurt their feelings, it is hard to see how he could help but help. "His liberality bothers me," said Denver County G.O.P. Chairman John Wogan Jr., but he felt impelled to add: "Since the purpose is to win, we might have to take him." "Let's face it," said New Mexico's Republican Gubernatorial Candidate David Cargo. "Even in New Mexico, 70% of the population is now urban. Javits would add something important to the national ticket."

Javits' vote-getting talent in urban areas would be a big help in California, Illinois, Michigan, New Jersey, New York, Ohio and Pennsylvania—which among them carry a whopping 202 of the 270 votes needed for election.

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