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"It is impossible to think of the economic development of Spain on the fringes of Europe," says López Rodó, and both he and Ullastres have been patiently arguing Spain's case for six years. But the decision to keep Spain out is largely political. Though France and West Germany have no objections, the memories of repression and fascism are still too strong for the Belgians and Dutch. Franco sticks in their throats.
Longing for Belonging. Their rejection sticks deep in Franco's throat. It wounds that most Spanish of all human feelings, pride. As long as his borders were closed, the Spaniard could turn his back on the alien world and tell him self he was better off without it. But Spain now wants back in, and all the way. Psychologically, it needs recognition, acceptance, applause.
It longs to belong to NATO, although there is no military necessity for doing so: the defense pacts it signed with the U.S. in 1953 give it the same protection that NATO nations enjoy, and the U.S. military bases on its soil make it an active partner in Western defense. Three SAC bases, near Zaragoza, Madrid and Seville, although now being phased out as missiles take over from bombers, could be used as a U.S. staging area for any trouble in the Middle East or Africa. The great naval base at Rota, on the Atlantic side of the Strait of Gibraltar, is an anchorage for America's European Polaris fleet.
Spain is also anxious to restore itself as Latin America's godfather. The regime has opened its arms to Latino students, 15,500 of whom are now in Spanish universities. It sends books, trucks, heavy machinery and ships to a growing Latin American market, and Franco recently offered Spain's former colonies $1 billion worth of trade credits and technical aid. The motive ran deeper than merely promoting trade.
Spain's feelings for Latin America are no better illustrated than in the refusal of Franco, one of the world's most zealous antiCommunists, to break off relations with Cuba's Fidel Castro. "We have too many Spanish interests to protect to pull completely out of that tormented island," Franco remarked last year. "It is always embarrassing to" deal with Communists; yet we are obliged to maintain some connection with those in Cuba. By so doing, we have protected our citizens there and saved many a Cuban life."
Partridges & Palace. Franco keeps himself remarkably well informed about world affairs, can discuss in detail everything from the importance of NATO to the U.S. presence in Viet Nam. He has become pragmatic about Communism and has made trade agreements with most Iron Curtain countries. "The Iron Curtain has been there for too many years to think that it can come down by a miracle," he said last fall. "We must accept this reality and try to gradually permeate the wall with trickles of trade and cultural contacts. You can't deny that Russian Communism succeeded in making Russia one of the most powerful nations of the world. There must be something good in it."
Continued Franco: "The Soviets may gradually develop their better qualities and eliminate many of their bad points. More contact with the Western world can influence them favorably and induce them to give some freedom to their people and understand the position