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It was a society with its own peculiar codes and mores. A brisk business in forged food-ration cards grew up. UNRWA officials at one time estimated that there were 150,000 more ration cards than there were refugees. Refugee dead were seldom reported to UNRWA authorities; they were buried secretly at night so that their ration cards might be kept and sold. Successful entrepreneurs (i.e., those who amassed sufficient ration cards or who prospered in small businesses like basketry, carpentry, weaving or gambling) began to style themselves "sheiks," demanded that UNRWA officials consult them on community affairs.
No Waiting List. Though they were carefully conditioned by Arab propaganda to believe that they were suffering wretchedly at the hands of "Imperialists and Zionists" the refugees gradually found themselves better off materially than they had been at home. They have a higher daily caloric ration (1,500-1.600) than some of the fellahin in Nasser's Egypt, better health and sanitation services than they had ever known in Palestine. UNRWA provides extra rations for pregnant and nursing women, midday meals and vitamin pills for children. UNRWA's education facilities are making the refugees an intellectual elite among Arabs. Nearly 100% of the male children attend school, almost 25% of the girls (Arab parents have still to be sold on education for daughters). Nearly 400 refugees are studying in universities on UNRWA scholarships.
Encouraged by Nasser's loss of prestige as a result of his military defeat, Jordan's Hussein cracked down hard on Egyptian and Communist agents among his country's half-million refugees and launched a campaign to propagandize the refugees on behalf of the United Nations in general and the U.S. in particular. The main line of exposition: You are obviously better off than before. The Communists want to turn you over to the Russians, and nobody knows how the Russians would be. Let's give the Americans a chance to show what they can do for us.
Fresh Poison. For public notice, other Arab nations still refuse to change their line that the only way to solve the refugee problem is to force Israel to restore their homes. To accuse an Arab ruler of talking peace and compromise with Israel is still read by Arabs as a charge of treason to the refugees, and Nasser has used this charge freely. (Last week, apparently to allay any such suspicion of softness to Israel, Jordan stirred up a fresh series of border incidents backed by a volley of accusations and recriminations.) But recently, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Lebanon have shown private apprehension that the refugees may be turned against them by the clumsy maneuverings of Nasser and his Syrian pals.