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Molotov twisted and turned under the onslaught. He even ventured a remarkable defense of unfree elections. "Let us not take such an arrogant view of the single-list election," he said. "In Czarist Russia there was a system of many lists and it proved unsatisfactory. We have a single list, in the Soviet Union, but it produces a representative government." He pressed for the attendance of "both" Germanys at the Geneva conference, insisting that "the German people" support the Communist East German government. Retorted Macmillan: "I recall that the government of East Germany was returned to power by over 99% of the votes cast. Over 32 years, I have participated in ten general elections, in my country. Any candidate, let alone any party, who polls 99% of the vote is not an ordinary person. He must be considered a walking miracle." Snapped Molotov: "I suppose that must be considered an exercise in wit."
Elections Now. At week's end Molo tov slipped. He carelessly suggested "we should take practical steps which can be implemented right now." Dulles swiftly took him up on the words. He proposed a short plan, approved by the West German government, to hold all-German elections for a constitutional convention in September 1956, set up a four-power commission immediately to set the electoral rules and provide for supervision, and to submit its report by January. Molotov, though dutifully promising "study" in the spirit of Geneva, could only protest that it was "torn from the basic problem of European security."
The West had pressed as hard for German reunification as any German could wish. But no amount of slugging ever hurt a manager much, and Molotov's managers were in Moscow. At week's end, Molotov staggered back to his Moscow corner, there to hear what new instructions his managers might whisper into his ringing ears. Curiously, Pravda picked this moment to deliver a renewed blast at Molotov for the "deviationism" for which he publicly apologized a month ago. Old Bolshevik Molotov was finding it tough all over.