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The Schuman Plan also gets the camel's nose of political federation under the tent. It sets up a super-government which for once avoids the dreamy supposition that all the members will love each other; rather it assumes that they will often be at odds, and seeks to prevent one-nation domination by an ingenious system of checks & balances. This is done by having the $4.5 billion annual coal and steel business run by a day-to-day executive of nine men—no more than two from one country —known as the High Authority. It is appointed by a Council of six cabinet ministers from the six member nations. It is subject (just like a European cabinet) to confidence votes in a 78-member Assembly, elected by the parliaments of the six nations.
These complexities may be lost on millions of Europeans, who yet sense something profound in the Schuman Plan and have frequently been ahead of their governments in supporting it. In May 1950, their hearts were kindled when France's Robert Schuman, proposing the plan, pointed out that Germany and France, once their basic industries had been scrambled into an omelet, would "no longer be tempted to wage war; indeed, war between them will be impracticable."
Italy, Belgium and Luxembourg have still to ratify. So must The Netherlands' upper house. But now that France and Germany, which count most, have both endorsed the Schuman Plan, the others will probably follow suit. Within months, Western Europe should be able to start making a dream of centuries come true.