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The country was in the King's hands—if only by martial law, the consent of the army, the backing of the Bedouins, and the help of party hacks and old politicians.
Not everyone was happy. "The whole Jordan nation is in prison," shrilled a Cairo newspaper, though at the same time Nasser's government was piously insisting: "Egypt is more jealous than any other country of Jordan's independence."
When it came down to the crucial moment, Nasser and the Syrians proved unwilling—or unable—to make an all-out effort to destroy Hussein. To do so would have forced an open split with King Saud, perhaps would have compelled him still further toward Iraq and the West. This week there was a flurry of flying to save faces.. Syria's Kuwatly popped in on Nasser; together with Nasser's top political adviser, he went on to Mecca to see Saud. They were all desirous of re-creating that somewhat bogus show of Arab unity proclaimed only three months ago in Cairo. Each for his own reasons, all proclaimed that peace was better. Their words could not disguise the fact that it all added up to a victory for Hussein, a defeat for Nasser, and an improvement for the West.
Start Toward Stability. In proclaiming that the "independence and integrity" of Jordan are "vital," the U.S. had helped to save the day. Yet it is not Jordan's meaningless borders, its desert wastes, its desolate economy, or its restless population that are "vital" to the U.S. What matters vitally is the peace and stability of the area; it was not enough merely to reassemble the unworkable status quo ante—though that is progress of sorts. So long as half a million Palestine refugees have so little to look forward to, so long will Jordan rock. Stability in which to work for better solutions is only the start, but it is a necessary start. The young King who was bringing it about, with some faltering in tactics but with surprising firmness of purpose, has, said one admiring American observer, "completed his sophomore year in the fastest time on record."