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In February, Foreign Minister Molotov spoke kindly of the country he had so virulently reviled, and hinted that the time had come for better relations. Tito, annoyed by Molotov's suggestion that it was Tito who had erred and repented, answered waspishly that Molotov's speech "does not correspond to the truth." Swallowing his pride, Molotov persisted. As one Yugoslav said in amazement, "Tito spit in Molotov's face. But Molotov wiped the spit off his face and said, 'Gee, it's raining!' " Tito refused an invitation to come to Moscow; the Russians retorted in effect: we will come see you.
The Grim Silence. "Independence is rewarded and heresy condoned," said Secretary of State Dulles last week. "This is bound to have a profound effect throughout the Soviet zone." The Russians, by so humbling themselves, were taking a big risk. But so was Tito. If the Russians, in view of the whole world, managed to smear up Tito's claim of independence, they would, in effect, have neutralized him.
Their bumbling arrival spoiled all that for the Kremlin. Day after Khrushchev's airport blunder, formal conferences began in Belgrade's ornate Guards' Club. Tito quickly made his personal displeasure obvious. He frowned, barked at the protocol officer to ask where his seat was, then plunked himself down at the long green table without even gesturing to Khrushchev or seeing that he was seated.
Tito got right down to business. He had understood that no party matters were to be discussed, he said; the only possible discussion was on interstate matters.
Khrushchev insisted that normalization between the parties must take place before relations between the governments.
The next session was even more frigid. Over Russian protests, the Yugoslavs admitted newsmen briefly to the conference room before the second session started. Reported Correspondent Bell: "The Russians were seated glumly at the table not even talking among themselves. When the newsreel lights went on, Tito snuffed out his cigarette and leaned across the table to make jokes. The Russians got the point and suddenly broke out in great smiles. Jokes were told, and there were a few belly laughs. But as soon as the newsreel lights snapped off, the Russians turned off the grins and settled back in grim silence."
After two days of silent thought and, of course, conference at the Yugoslav summit, the official newspaper Borba finally produced a reply to Khrushchev's speech. Yugoslavia was not joining Khrushchev's "crusade for the overthrow of capitalism," Borba indicated, but would stick to a policy of "active cooperation" with all countries, "regardless of differences in their internal systems . . . Our policy is a consistent policy against joining any ideological bloc." This is not neutrality but "active coexistence," added the Sunday Informative. "Passive neutrality means to acknowledge helplessness."