Out of the gleaming gold-white conference room in Moscow's Spiridonovka House this week came news that will shape the course of World War II and the world after; news that was bitter-black for the Axis, but almost incredibly bright for the United Nations. That news, in its most significant essence, was simply that the U.S., Great Britain and the Soviet Union are fighting the same war, and that they are fighting it to win the same peace.
All that Hull of the U.S., Eden of Britain, Molotov of the U.S.S.R. had accomplished could be summed up in one tremendous word—agreement. They—and their chiefs in the Kremlin, in London, in Washington—agreed on the military finish of the war in Europe, on the timing and force of the Anglo-U.S. second front, on battle to the end by the Red Army, on strategy in the Mediterranean.
They agreed to agree on the postwar shape of Europe: on the means and extent of control in Germany; on the enforced breakup of the Greater Reich, first by restoring Austria's independence; on the interests to prevail in the Balkans, where both Russia and Britain have great stakes; and, by silent implication, on control of Russia's European borderlands (eastern Poland, Bessarabia, the Baltics). And they agreed to agree on a postwar association of nations, otherwise undefined, "for the maintenance of international peace and security."
Agreement on these matters by the three Western Allies bore chiefly on the war and the peace in Europe. But the basic agreement—on international association and the disposal of defeated enemies—also had the signature of China's Moscow Ambassador, Foo Ping-sheung. The texts carefully dissociated China from the war in Europe, Russia from the war with Japan. But the significant fact remained that the U.S.S.R. and China had signed a joint, wartime document.
The Conference made elaborate preparations for continuing its work through semipermanent agencies. Most important of these will be a new European Advisory Commission, a smaller edition of the Conference itself, to be in permanent session in London. Additional three-nation talks will be held whenever necessary. A special council—to include France, Yugoslavia, Greece—will handle Italian affairs.
Exchange of Faith. The precise course of the talks was still unknown. But believable accounts had begun to leak out this week.
London heard that the biggest single factor was the initial and complete exchange of military information. From Eden, Hull and their military aides, the Russians got—and believed that they were getting—full information about the resources, intentions and specific plans of the U.S. and Britain. From the Russians, the Anglo-Americans got—and believed that they were getting—equally complete information about the Red Army's capacities and plans.
That exchange was historic. The U.S. and Britain had never before had so much concrete data on Russia's military strength and prospects. The Russians had for months been given the details of Anglo-U.S. strategy, but apparently had never quite believed that London and Washington were being wholly frank. Evidently, a large and crippling area of mistrust had been cleared.