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Numerous examples might be cited, but an outstanding case comes to mind. A well-known lumber company on the Pacific Coast within the past six years purchased from the Government at a total cost of approximately $400,000, and under easy credit terms, a fleet of eight vessels estimated to have cost the Government in the neighborhood of $8,000,000. These ships are now engaged from the Pacific Northwest and California via the Panama Canal to Porto Rico and Buenos Aires, principally for the purpose of marketing lumber. This firm was thus granted distinct monopolistic privileges by the Government in the marketing of lumber in Porto Rico and Argentine, and accordingly proceeded to "squeeze out" of these markets any competing American firms who were left without transportation facilities.
As if these advantages were insufficient, the Government then awarded a so-called mail subsidy contract, under the provisions of which a total of $759,000 has been paid to the lumber company's steamship line for the "carriage of mail" that actually brought the Post Office Department only $274 in postage.
Under this contract, with a total of ten years to run, payments of $3,150,000 will be made. The entire fleet of ships, for which $400,000 was to have been paid, thus becomes not only an outright gift, but an additional $2,750,000 in cash is paid to the ship owner. . . .
A. R. WATSON
Oakland, Calif.
Shipping interests lobby jointly through the American Steamship Association, headed by Herbert B. Walker with offices in Manhattan; attorney and usual legislative representative, Edwin Hamilton Duff.—ED.
Sirs:
... I am in the general practice of law; but it is quite true that I have clients who are much concerned with legislation, and if making arguments to Committees of Congress and dealing in a decent way with matters of legislation that affect clients is lobbying, then I have lobbied and to that extent I am a lobbyist.
You know that in England they have what they call a Parliamentary Bar. Possibly it might be well to have such a body of persons in this country able to deal in behalf of clients with the Congress of the U. S. ... If it be lobbying to appear in behalf of persons affected in such situation, then lobbying in a decent fashion would appear not only to be proper but necessary and justified from all standpoints. . . .
LEVI COOKE
Washington, D. C.
Lady Astor's Nightgown
Sirs:
Your story about Amelia Earhart Putnam's flight to Ireland (TIME, May 30) notes that Mrs. Putnam slept at Ambassador Mellon's house "even as Lindbergh slept at Herrick's." From the enclosed newspaper clipping you will observe that even as Lindbergh borrowed Ambassador Herrick's pyjamas so did Mrs. Putnam beg a nightgown of Lady Astor.
JONATHAN BACON
Chicago, 111.
Also like Lindbergh, who borrowed a suit from Ambassador Herrick's son, Mrs. Putnam borrowed a blue woolen dress from Ambassador Mellon's daughter, Mrs. David K. E. Bruce. To Correspondent John Steele of the Chicago Tribune ("World's Greatest Newspaper") all praise for scooping the world on Lady Astor's nightgown.—ED.
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Sirs: