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"Who Has Courage Has Bread." By his exhortations, his purges, and by caging the most dangerous of his defectionists, Mussolini has used the threat of invasion to tighten his control over Italy. But despite an apparently growing attitude of rebellion against German domination, he has failed to regain the prestige he once held among those who thought he was un jurbo (an astute fellow), or among the trusting who believed that, regardless of his Party's corruption, Mussolini had the best interests of his people at heart. One story indicated the Italian's cynicism: The Duce was not satisfied with the reports he was getting on his last speech and decided to make a personal checkup. He put on a beard and wandered in the streets until he met a likely looking citizen. "Buon giorno," said the Duce, "and how did you like the Duce's last speech?" The citizen was terrified. His worried eyes shot up & down the street to make sure he was not overheard. At last he dragged the Duce off to a side street. Then, in a cautious whisper, he said: "I liked it very much."
Recently there were signs that others were not so impressed with the Duce's doings. Editors, including the intellectual apologist Giuseppe Bottai, stayed in office despite criticisms of the Fascist regime unheard of before the war. Bottai used an oblique technique of presenting "demands from the soul of Italy," for which he personally would take no responsibility. One of these demands was for "competent political government, inspired as far as possible by a sincere desire to serve," another for "more vigorous progress toward social justice."
Out of disgust at the maldistribution of food, at flagrant profiteering and the inability of Party functionaries to meet recurring war crises, a strong underground has developed. Despite a raid on a Milan printshop last month, which jailed five negotiators, the underground groups—Socialist, Liberals and Communists—last week have established a joint "Committee for Peace and Freedom" (TIME, May 3) and United Front organizations in at least six northern Italian cities. They claim the organization of a wave of strikes which began in March and at one point called out from 40,000 to 50,000 men. Through widespread circulation of clandestine newspapers and through workmen's organizations, they have built up a political consciousness from which leaders of a new Italy may come.
Until President Roosevelt's message last week the underground has been handicapped by the failure of the Allies to give definite assurances (as distinct from generalities) that the primary accomplishment of invading troops will be the crushing of the Fascist Party (as distinct from the Italian people). The President's words gave those assurances while Fascist guns and those of Germany still keep Italy in line. But they were unlikely to precipitate an immediate revolt.