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At this point it was necessary for Japanese militarists to put in a word. In an impassioned address before the assembled governors of Japanese prefectures, chunky Vice Admiral Mineo Osumi, Minister of the Navy, demanded immediate increase in Japan's sea forces. "We appeal to your support for this program which is essential to protect Japan from her enemies," cried he. "The next naval conference will not concern the Navy alone, but may decide the destiny of the Empire. Japan must take this opportunity to free herself from unfavorable restrictions." In Geneva Japan pulled wires to force the withdrawal of Dr. Rajchman as financial adviser to China. Fearful of a show-down on Japan's new position as "Protector of the East" the League knuckled under. It intimated that Dr. Rajchman will not return to China. Nanking. In all this prattling over China few paid any attention to the real interests of that vast sprawling helpless country. Nanking, impotent against Japan's armies, had one obvious weapon to wield against Japan's declaration of a moral protectorate. She could appeal to the signatories of the Nine Power Treaty (1922) guaranteeing Chinese sovereignty independence. Months ago when the Japanese doctrine was first proclaimed that was just what Nanking prepared to do. Prudent investigation in Geneva. London, Paris, Washington told her that the smaller powers were leaving the entire matter to Britain and the U. S. who might be willing to challenge Japan for their own good but not for the good of China. An appeal that fails is worse than no appeal at all. China held her peace. One little nose-thumbing at Japan Nanking could afford. Though Japan had made much of her opposition to the sale of munitions to China, and the use of foreign military instructors for Chinese troops, a commission of 22 bright young Chinese officers left Shanghai last week to visit Italy, Austria, Germany, France, Belgium, Great Britain and finally the U.S. to inspect forts and munitions factories and study the organization of foreign armies.