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The A. F. of L. is not a union itself but an aggregation of international unions organized by crafts. But the craft union idea was abruptly set aside in this new organizing rush and in its place was substituted the Federal plant union chartered directly by A. F. of L. Thus, instead of dividing the workers of a steel plant or an automobile factory up among half a dozen international unions, they were all organized into one group regardless of their different trades. Such plant unions were responsible only to the A. F. of L. which promised to represent them in Washington. In set-up and practice they were almost a direct counterpart of the company union, thus cutting the ground from under the employer who complained of outside interference or dictation in his business. By last week more than 50 plant unions had been chartered for steel, rubber and automobile workers. Prime driving force behind this activity was chunky, sandy-haired William Green, A. F. of L. president. He is not an exciting, inspiring figure. His words blow no trumpets. He is about as conservative as a labor leader can be. Yet he, more than any other man, secured "Labor's rights" in the Recovery Act and foresaw the New Deal's opportunity for advancing trade unionism from its dead low level. Presi dent Green is a plugger and only by plug ging can U. S. Labor be organized. Almost shouldered out of the New Deal picture has been A. F. of L.'s dressy, slick- haired vice president, Matthew Woll. a rampant Republican. At headquarters his colleagues call him a "publicity hog" be cause he will talk anywhere on anything. His principal aversion is Soviet Russia. Biggest and most potent personality in the A. F. of L. at the moment is United Mine Worker Lewis. In the 1922 coal strike he was at the pinnacle of his power when he got operators to sign the famed Jacksonville wage agreement. That expired in 1927. Lewis could not get it renewed. His soft coal organization melted away. The Recovery Act gave him his chance to recover lost ground. Today he claims that 90% of the soft coal miners are again organized. Leader Lewis will not consider the Pennsylvania strike settled until mine operators are ready to do business with his union.
Some of organized labor's smartest heads have been lent to NRA to get its program rolling. Chief among these are: A. F. of L.'s John Frey (metal trades), now a NRA Labor Advisory Board member; Sidney Hillman (Amalgamated Clothing Workers) who serves in the same capacity; Edward F. McGrady, A. F. of L.'s tall, dark, smooth national lobbyist, now General Johnson's deputy administrator for Labor; and Donald Richberg, counsel for the railroad brotherhoods, now NRA's $12,000-per-year attorney who last week told the U. S. that it was in the midst of its greatest revolution. And though she holds no union card, Labor has no better friend in the Administration than its Secretary of Labor, Frances Perkins (Wilson).