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For Obama, as for Bush before him, the combination of a low-risk military mission and bipartisan support, created in part by Invisible Children, appears to have made the decision to send the special-operations advisers relatively easy. "When I decide to stand up for foreign aid or prevent atrocities in places like Uganda," said Obama at the National Prayer Breakfast on Feb. 3, "it's not just about strengthening alliances or promoting democratic values or projecting American leadership around the world, although it does all those things, and it will make us safer and more secure. It's also about the biblical call to care for the least of these--for the poor; for those at the margins of our society."
Opinions are divided on whether the LRA operation sets a precedent. National Security Council spokesman Tommy Vietor insists that it does not: "We look at these things on a case-by-case basis based on the facts on the ground and U.S. interests. It would be wrong to interpret this as meaning there will be additional missions in the future." Prendergast says the operation gives new military might to the Responsibility to Protect, a U.N. initiative, but adds, "I don't think the Administration roams around the world looking for places to do the same." Invisible Children, on the other hand, is determined to see that the LRA mission establishes a new benchmark for world justice. Says Russell: "We want to take this campaign from a one-off to a world-changing moment. Was the U.N. created just for picking up dead bodies? We need a new proactive machine to protect those being slaughtered. Then we can have a world where genocide and child soldiering do not exist."
Beyond proclaiming such lofty ambitions, Invisible Children is short on specifics. That helps feed the criticism the group is now attracting. Kony 2012 "simplifies the story of millions of people in northern Uganda," says blogger Kagumire. "This war is not just about Joseph Kony [or about] one bad guy against good guys and against 'we, the mighty West.'" In response, Invisible Children said that while it sought to "explain the conflict in an easily understandable format ... in a 30-minute film, however, many nuances ... are admittedly lost or overlooked." It also rejected outright the accusations of a "savior complex." "Over 95% of [Invisible Children's] leadership and staff on the ground are Ugandans on the forefront of program design and implementation," it said.