Quotes of the Day

Like many Pakistanis, I am unsure of how to react to the proliferation scandal surrounding Abdul Qadeer Khan, the "father of the Islamic Bomb." Khan admitted last week to providing nuclear technology to Iran, Libya and North Korea but was pardoned by Pakistan's President, General Pervez Musharraf. The case exposes deep conflicts in my feelings about my country, our policies and the direction we are taking.

There is, first of all, the issue of our nuclear program, which is wildly popular in Pakistan. I would like to be able to say that I am opposed to the possession of nuclear weapons, by our state or any other. After all, I have seen photographs of the aftermath of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and read the terrifying stories told by survivors. I am aware of the horrors this technology can bring. And I am aware of the resources consumed in our pursuit of nuclear bombs and missiles, resources that could have gone into much needed schools and hospitals and roads.

Yet I would be a hypocrite if I were to claim that I did not think that Pakistan's nuclear weapons are vital to our national security. I grew up in Lahore, a howitzer-shell's flight from the Indian border, and I have witnessed firsthand the tension that comes when a country masses its army against its smaller neighbor. I have seen our troops digging in and our choppers flying low overhead as I have dropped off my younger cousins at school. And I know that in those moments I have been grateful for our nuclear weapons, for the deterrent that has kept the unthinkable consequences of war unthinkable.

Because it is widely believed that Khan could not have acted without the army's knowledge, the proliferation scandal also raises the issue of whether military rule is desirable in Pakistan. I have for most of my life despised the idea of dictatorship, of citizens being told what is right for them by an unelected, unaccountable body. I have vivid memories, even a decade and a half later, of the disastrous policies initiated by General Zia ul-Haq in the 1980s, policies of Islamization, of news broadcasts in Arabic, intimidation of journalists, oppression of women.

But again, despite my principles and my awareness that the army could well have supported proliferation in the past, I must admit that I have come to support Pakistan's current strongman, General Musharraf. I can see the changes that his leadership has brought to the country, the growing, grudging sense of optimism, the rising hopes for peace with India. Many of my friends who lived abroad have returned home, attracted by the fresh economic opportunities. Many of our younger siblings are joining rock bands and theater companies, encouraged by a liberalizing media sector, by our three 24-hour music channels on television, by independent news networks, by an explosion of mass entertainment. These outlets for expression did not exist when I was in my teens and 20s. They are vital, because their call for a new, progressive and open Pakistan, delivered by attractive and confident youngsters, is far more appealing and gives far more hope than the rival appeals to medieval values made by intolerant men with beards.

Finally, I recognize the value of truth and transparency, both of which appear to be lacking in the government's handling of the proliferation scandal. The cloak of secrecy is thrown over investigations too frequently in Pakistan. We are—because of our history, our often hostile neighbors and our own mistakes—an insecure nation that too often hides behind the justification of national security. But at this moment, a fragile government coalition exists to change decades of misguided policies—policies of hostility and interventionism toward India and Afghanistan, policies of Islamization and religious militancy, and policies that led to economic stagnation and corruption at the highest levels.

We cannot risk the loss of our momentum for change, either by bringing to trial a man once considered a national hero and thereby alienating a large segment of our population, or by making public any role by elected politicians and army chiefs and thereby destabilizing our current leadership. We know that Pakistan has made grievous errors in the past. This is the moment to correct our errors quickly and to move on rather than to focus on assigning blame.

In the end, I find myself feeling, perhaps shamefully, that I would like this scandal to pass quietly. Not because I am unaware of the horrors of nuclear war, the perils of dictatorship or the importance of truth. But because despite being aware of these things, I believe Pakistan needs its nuclear deterrent, I support Musharraf and I think a public inquiry is dangerous at this time in our history. We must cooperate with other countries and with the U.N. to shut down the proliferation network that has been allowed to develop in Pakistan. And we must stay the course in our pursuit of economic growth, peace and a more liberal Pakistan.

• Mohsin Hamid
• The proliferation scandal must not be allowed to derail Pakistan's progress