As a crusading reporter for Poland's opposition Solidarity Weekly in the 1980s, Malgorzata Niezabitowska was among the most prominent voices of the revolution. She wrote exposés about illegal demonstrations and military crackdowns. With her husband, photographer Tomasz Tomaszewski, she chronicled the darkest days of martial law, smuggling her diaries (written under a pseudonym) and photos of tanks in the streets out of the country to a world hungry for news of Poland's awakening dissent. Later, in 1989, she was appointed spokeswoman for the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Poland's first democratically elected Prime Minister. Niezabitowska's charisma and no-nonsense demeanor stood in marked contrast to the colorless apparatchiks who had given up power just a few months before. It was no fluke that Niezabitowska became the face of Poland's Third Republic: she symbolized a clean break with the country's communist past.
Or did she? Today, that break looks a lot messier. Niezabitowska, 56, is one of tens of thousands of Poles who, in the past few months, have been accused of collaborating with the communist secret police (SB) in the 1980s. The accused include top politicians like Jozef Oleksy, who resigned from the post of parliament speaker after being found guilty of lying about his collaboration, and countless senior bureaucrats and academics. Even Lech Walesa, the ex-Solidarity leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner, was accused of informing on his colleagues while a young man in the early 1970s; a court has cleared him of the charge. For Niezabitowska, the accusation against her is humiliating. "I would rather be accused of having killed someone than of being a traitor," she says, seated beneath portraits of her ancestors in the study of the 19th century mansion on the outskirts of Warsaw she and her huSBand have restored. "This kind of thing can destroy a person."
"This kind of thing" has been happening across the former Soviet bloc as police archives, sealed since the end of communism, are gradually revealed to the public. The political fallout is intense. Politicians are seizing on the information to discredit foes. Some question the very authenticity of the files, but a growing number of people see the opening of the secret-police archives as an overdue step towards normalcy after a half-century of totalitarian rule. The disclosures can be "a good thing in the hands of reasonable people," Walesa told TIME, but he believes the latest charges are being handled by "less reasonable" people, mostly for political ends. "It has caused a lot of trouble," Walesa says, "but maybe this is what we need."
Newspapers have coined the term "wild lustration" to describe the storm of new charges. The term, derived from the Latin for "purification," was coined in the early 1990s to describe the vetting of public figures for ties with the old regime. But now it's back. And what makes this lustration so wild is the indiscriminate way in which so many of the names are coming to light, often through leaks to the press or on the Internet, with no supporting evidence.
In Poland, the disclosures have renewed calls for a full reckoning with the country's communist past in the run-up to parliamentary elections later this year. A growing number of Poles want the unconditional release of 1.5 million police files covering the entire period from 1939 to 1989. But many ex-dissidents warn that the process is slipping out of control, harming innocents, and playing into the hands of political opportunists. "This is a catastrophe," says Jan Litynski, 59, a Freedom Union party member and founding member of Solidarity. "So many people are being hurt."
Niezabitowska says she's been wrongly accused, and has suffered a huge blow to her reputation as a result. She says she lost 6 kg last December in the five days after being tipped off that she was being named by a former colleague at Solidarity Weekly who had been researching his own file. Not long afterwards, a lengthy list of 160,000 names compiled as a reference document by the historical agency that houses the secret police files, the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), appeared on the Internet. The list, never intended for public use, does not distinguish between full-time agents, part-time collaborators or, astonishingly, their victims typically people in the opposition whom the police wanted to recruit as informers. Journalist Bronislaw Wildstein, 53, obtained the list from the institute he won't say how and shared it with a dozen colleagues, then posted it on the Internet. Wildstein says his aim was to increase public pressure on the authorities to release the secret files so that "we can make an accounting with the past. It will tell us who were the real heroes, and who were the evil ones."
Unlike some other postcommunist countries such as the former East Germany, which released the bulk of its secret police files in 1992, Poland has kept its secrets largely under wraps. Leading dissidents who helped oversee the transformation from communist rule were against opening the files because they feared they would needlessly destroy lives and careers. Former communists were equally reluctant to publicize their party's, and perhaps their own, misdeeds. In fact, between August 1989 and January 1990, up to 60% of the files on senior Solidarity leaders and the clergy were either destroyed or disappeared.
But in December 1998, under growing pressure from a new generation of right-wing political groups, parliament established the IPN as a custodian of the files. It opened its doors in March 2001. Under Poland's lustration laws, the IPN was also charged with helping to investigate claims of collaboration and vetting the backgrounds of public-office seekers. The laws gave access to historians and researchers among them Wildstein and last year authorized some dissidents to conduct their own searches.
Today, the files occupy 80 km of shelf space at the IPN's drab, mustard-yellow headquarters in downtown Warsaw and at satellite offices around the country. Their contents, a mixture of the bland and the sordid, record everything from employment history to sexual preferences. Subjects are divided into three categories: security-service personnel, informers and "candidates," usually