The mere mention of Chicago brings forth visions of vote fraud, but evidence that would stand up in court has always been difficult to find. Even in 1960, when it was widely suspected that hanky-panky in Cook County cost Richard Nixon Illinois’ electoral votes, 633 indictments resulted in zero convictions. Last week the Chicago Tribune, after months of diligent digging, published charges of massive vote manipulation in the state primary last March by Mayor Richard Daley’s Democratic organization. This time the evidence seemed ironclad.
The story was pieced together by an experienced team of four investigative reporters, and one young rewrite man who infiltrated the Chicago board of election commissioners. In charge was George Bliss, 53, veteran of many exposes and Pulitzer prizewinner. Bliss, who had done earlier stories on election fraud, got a break last spring when he learned of a vacant patronage job at the election board. Of 200 positions, only four were for Republicans, including the $20-a-day clerk’s post. To fill it Bliss needed an “inside man” at the Trib, one who would not be recognized by city officials. He chose William Mullen, 27, who has only limited reporting experience. “His chief asset,” says Bliss, “is that he is a very low-key but very alert guy.”
Sponsored by a Republican acquaintance of Bliss, Mullen applied for the job under his own name, neglecting only to tell the commissioners’ chairman, Stanley T. Kusper Jr., that he was a Trib employee. He went to work last April and soon satisfied his suspicious Democratic co-workers that he was on the level. Finally he got access to the office vault and old ballot applications (the slips signed by voters just before entering the booth). Mullen found an apparent forgery almost immediately, one so obvious that “it almost knocked me off my chair.” It was only the first of many.
Mullen’s mission was a closely held secret, known only to top Trib editors and the U.S. Attorney, who already had an election-fraud investigation going. His cover was nearly blown one day when a Trib colleague happened into the commissioners’ office. “I dived into the files,” Mullen recalls.
Forgery. By day, Mullen methodically collected evidence. Each night he took a roundabout route to the Tribune Tower a mile away and recorded his findings in a carefully guarded book. Twice he was followed by board employees, but they concluded that he was going there only to meet a girl friend. After three months, Mullen had gathered enough documentation.
Then he and the Bliss crew spent another month in Chicago’s working-class and slum wards, laboriously checking out names and addresses. They reported finding more than 1,000 cases of election-law violations, mostly forgery: people whose “signatures” appeared on ballot applications but who had not voted. There were also instances of phony addresses (one “residence” proved to be a police station, another the middle of a busy intersection). Some “voters” had died or moved away long before the primary. These and other irregularities were found in 22 of Chicago’s 50 wards.
Mullen meanwhile had left Kusper’s office on the pretext that he had to be with a sick father in Wisconsin. Kusper finally called the newsman’s apartment to inquire about the father’s health and got Mullen’s roommate who knew he was on a secret mission but was unaware of the ruse. Mullen was at work, said the roommate. Kusper: “Where?” Roommate: “At the Tribune.” Kusper: “Oh, wow!”
The newspaper’s findings set off a state investigation and resulted in widening the federal inquiry, which produced indictments of 40 political small fry. An election watchdog group brought suit to place Kusper’s board under court supervision.
Top Cook County Democrats, however, seemed unflustered. Kusper pointed out that his job is administrative, not investigatory, and that he is not responsible for what happens at the precinct level. Mayor Daley observed that “Kusper is a man of integrity,” adding: “We always have these charges about this time of year. If anyone is guilty, they should be punished.”
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