France: Chinese Checkers

“The sun at this time of year heralds the thaw of winter snow and ice,” observed French Deputy Marie François-Benard, leader of a seven-member parliamentary delegation that arrived in Red China last week. “I think this time the Peking sunshine also heralds the thawing of relations between our two countries.” Word that President Charles de Gaulle would soon recognize Communist China, a move prompted by the faint hope of reviving French influence in the Far East, indeed had broken the ice. But while a thaw set in between Paris and Peking, new and severe chills developed between France and some of her allies, including the U.S.

No Consultation. Washington sent Paris one of the briefest diplomatic notes on record, a curt, 150-word message that deplored the French maneuver as “unwise and untimely.” Back came a five-line reply that stiffly acknowledged the U.S. note without bothering to give French reasons for the news. Presumably, De Gaulle was saving his explanation for one of his rare news conferences, scheduled for this week.

West German officials were also upset, privately condemned the projected recognition of Red China as a blow to Western unity. The French announcement coincided with the first anniversary of the Franco-German treaty of reconciliation, which vaguely calls for joint consultation prior to major foreign-policy decisions by either side. Since De Gaulle had done no consulting at all on the China question, there was small reason to celebrate the anniversary. The Bundestag erupted in angry debate about the pact, and Bonn’s Minister for Special Tasks Heinrich Krone journeyed to Paris for a somewhat perfunctory observation of the date. De Gaulle’s Asian adventure dismayed the overwhelming majority of South Viet Nam’s 7,000 strongly anti-Communist overseas Frenchmen, who called it “une folie de grandeur.” Even France’s former colonies in Africa, which usually give Paris solid diplomatic backing, were split. Said Madagascar’s President Philibert Tsiranana, echoing the opinion of about eight (out of 14) French-oriented African states: “For once, I will not follow General de Gaulle.” Eying the enormous market for its goods on the Chinese mainland, Japan was torn between commerce and political loyalty. “Our policy, in accordance with the principle of separation of economic from political matters, is quite clear,” said Premier Hayato Ikeda.

New Ambassador. The angriest reaction to De Gaulle’s game of Chinese checkers came from the Nationalists on Formosa, who hinted that when France recognizes Peking they will promptly sever diplomatic ties with Paris. The U.S. counseled the Nationalists against a quick break on the grounds that 1) if Red China sticks to its longstanding position that no country may have diplomats in both Peking and Taipei (a view repeated last week by barnstorming Red Premier Chou En-lai in Mali), De Gaulle would be acutely embarrassed and the onus will be on the Communists; 2) if Peking accepts a “two-China” policy, it would be a major Red switch that weakens phony Red claims to Formosa; 3) a two-China policy would also ease U.S. diplomatic problems in the United Nations, where French recognition could swing a majority vote to seat Communist China.

Washington’s point of view was shared by some Kuomintang leaders. Taipei’s influential China News urged the Nationalists to sit tight and force De Gaulle or the Communists to make the next move. “This is another battle and not the war,” the newspaper declared. “To remember that could turn defeat into victory.” Publicly, however, the Nationalists took an adamant stand against a two-China policy. They argued that it would encourage a rush by other nations to recognize Peking, insisted that since “our national policy is to liberate the mainland of China and to deliver our compatriots from Communist tyranny, we are strongly opposed to any two-China concept.”

A showdown was not far off. Barring a last-minute hitch, Paris will name an ambassador to Peking this week.