THE CONGRESS: Retreat & Defeat

In general, Dwight Eisenhower’s spring offensive had rolled through Congress with remarkable success; foreign aid authorization, tax bills, even reciprocal trade and defense reorganization were in remarkably good shape. But last week, in a minor skirmish, Ike got sandbagged into an embarrassing retreat by three Algerian-general types who are supposed to be on his side: Minority Leader William Knowland. New Hampshire’s Styles Bridges, Illinois’ Everett McKinley (“Old Bear Grease”) Dirksen.

At issue was a foreign aid bill amendment to relax the ironclad restrictions of the 1951 Battle Act, which ties the President’s hands on aid to Communist countries. Sponsored by Massachusetts’ Democrat John Fitzgerald Kennedy, the amendment authorized the President to extend economic aid to captive Communist countries if he believed that it would help loosen the bonds of “Sino-Soviet domination.” It was practically an Administrative proposal: Secretary of State John Foster Dulles publicly endorsed it;

Dwight Eisenhower okayed it; the State Department helped draft it.

Brandished Threat. But the formidable trio of Knowland, Dirksen and Bridges wanted none of it. Facing defeat on the floor, the trio outflanked Kennedy & Co. by marching to the White House. If the Administration persisted in endorsing the Kennedy amendment, they warned, they would retaliate by slashing foreign aid funds. Retreating halfway, the President let word get out that he liked the principle of the Kennedy amendment, but was leaving it up to the Senate to decide whether to tack it on to the foreign aid bill or defer it for later action. Was he sure that this was where he wanted to stand? asked a White House staffer. Barked Ike: “Now look, I’ve told you three times—that’s it.”

Unappeased. Knowland, Bridges and Dirksen charged down on the President again last week, brandished their threat and demanded full retreat. Ike gave way, authorized Knowland to announce that the Administration still approved the amendment’s principle but was opposed to tacking it on to the aid bill. When Jack Kennedy heard the news, he paled with anger, but even angrier were the Eisenhower Republicans who had loyally backed the amendment. Snapped Vermont Republican George Aiken: “We people who stick our necks out for the Administration can’t count on it.”

Unanswered Question. That evening, after Capitol Hill’s most emotional debate of the year, 17 Democrats joined up with 26 Republicans to kill the Kennedy amendment by a single vote, 43 to 42. No Senator likes to goon record as voting for anything that could possibly be interpreted as helping Communism: that is why Dwight Eisenhower’s firm and forthright approval was needed. Cried George Aiken, his eyes glistening with tears: “I am amazed by the statement that the President does not favor the proposal. Why did he let the Secretary of State favor it all this time?” Bill Knowland slumped grim-faced in his chair; Styles Bridges smiled wryly. Nobody answered. Nobody could.

Next day the Senate passed a $3.7 billion foreign aid authorization—only $229 million less than the President requested. Knowland, Bridges and Dirksen said aye, but it remained to be seen what they would do when the time came to vote on actual foreign aid appropriations.

On Capitol Hill last week: <I Without even taking a recorded vote, the House passed the Administration bill to extend for another year, at present levels, the corporation and excise taxes that were scheduled to shrink on July 1. <I In a spirit remote from last year’s nickel-nipping mood, the House voted $38,409,561,000 for defense—$212,614,000 more than President Eisenhower requested. Part of the extra money is to go for keeping the Army, Marine Corps, National Guard and Reserves at present manpower levels. The Administration had planned to trim uniformed manpower, e.g., the Army from 900,000 men to 870,000, in keeping with missile-age defense concepts.

<J Both Houses voted a 10% pay boost, retroactive to January, for more than 1,000,000 federal civil servants. Added annual cost: $542 million. <1 By a 12-1 margin, the Senate Labor Committee approved Jack Kennedy’s labor-reform bill requiring unions to hold secret ballot elections at least once every five years, report to the Government on where the money comes from and goes. Kennedy managed to draft a bill that was both 1) hard-knuckled enough to win the indispensable endorsement of Arkansas’ labor-investigating John Mc-Clellan, and 2) so kid-gloved that the A.F.L.-C.I.O. does not plan to denounce it. The lone committee naysayer: Arizona’s right-wing Republican Barry Goldwater, who called the Kennedy bill “milk toast,” vowed to serve up his own hardtack substitute on the Senate floor. EURj[ Philadelphia Lawyer Robert C. Nix, newly elected to fill the unexpired term of a Congressman who resigned, took his seat on the Democratic side of the House, bringing the Congress’ Negro membership to four, highest number since Reconstruction days.