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No sooner had the Persian Gulf war ended when polls showed that a large majority of Americans preferred Colin Powell to Dan Quayle as a running mate for Bush in 1992. Powell's response was double edged. "I have no interest in politics at the moment," he declared. At this moment, at least, no one is even sure whether Powell leans toward the Republicans or the Democrats. (He's registered as an Independent.) But if the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff could be persuaded to reconsider his not quite Shermanesque refusal, Bush could hardly choose a more symbolically powerful running mate -- or a more capable one. During the war, Powell not only became a national presence but emerged as a model of Americans as they like to imagine themselves. He seemed a man of action who was deeply reflective as well -- direct, lucid and unflappable. His presence on the ticket would be a palpable reminder of the (mostly) successful U.S. war in the gulf.
While Quayle sometimes brings to mind Bush's own privileged background and occasional air of pale inaction, Powell could underscore the side of Bush that the President would like voters to keep in mind: the grave and decisive commander. The tale of Powell's childhood in the South Bronx, where his parents were Jamaican immigrants, could even provide a countervailing mythology if the Democrats nominate Mario Cuomo, with his famous saga of growing up in nearby Queens as the son of an immigrant Italian grocer.
Powell is perceived by some critics as a "political general," closely attuned to congressional sensitivities and the slow drag of the legislative process. But such proclivities could just as easily be read as assets for a Vice President. Though he has never held elective office, he can claim almost two decades of political experience in Washington. After completing two tours in Vietnam and serving in a series of other military posts, Powell came to the attention of official Washington in 1972, when a White House fellowship placed him in the Office of Management and Budget. He rarely ventured outside the Beltway again, meanwhile filling some of the most powerful jobs in America, including National Security Adviser to Ronald Reagan and his current post as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. "I don't know anybody in this town who's served so long in such sensitive jobs who's been as free of criticism as Colin," says former Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, Powell's onetime boss.
Despite his impressive credentials, the most potent quality that Powell would bring to the Bush ticket would be his race. For the most part the general has sidestepped any attempt to categorize him as a prominent African- American. And for the most part he has succeeded. Yet the significance of making Powell the first black nominee for the vice presidency would be profound. In narrow political terms, it would almost certainly attract large numbers of black voters who could otherwise be counted on to support the Democrats. It would go far toward allowing George Bush to put behind him the dismal misuse of Willie Horton in 1988. But no matter what Powell's presence might mean for the Republican ticket, more important by far is what it would mean for the nation.
Talk Softly and Carry a Big State