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Then came West Germany's time to decide. EDC meant several unpalatable things to Germans. Two disasters in half a century had been enough; thousands wanted never to bear arms again. On the other side, Nationalists balked at joining hands with the French, and oldtime professional soldiers seethed at the "disgrace" of banning for good the Wehrmacht and General Staff. Joining in with the West, they argued, might turn the East-West German boundary into a 38th parallel and Germany into another Korea. It might seal off forever the Communist-held lands to the East. Would it not be smarter, more comfortable, less dangerous, to stay uncommitted and play off the fears of both sides?
Across West Germany, tireless, graven-faced Konrad Adenauer campaigned bluntly on the issue of United Europe. His main opponents, the Socialists, bluntly campaigned against it. Germans had a clear-cut choice. "Our country," said Adenauer, "is the point of tension between two world blocs . . . Long ago I made a great decision: we belong to the West and not to the East . . . Isolation is an idea created by fools. It would mean that the U.S. would withdraw its troops from Europe. Ladies and gentlemen, the moment that happens, Germany will become a satellite."
On Sept. 6, the people of West Germany walked up to two doors to the future. Which would they choose? Western diplomats, disheartened by the fall of Schuman and De Gasperi, guessed timidly that Adenauer and the dream of Europe would squeak through—but barely. But the old man in the high, starched collar simply rode up to his Rhondorf home, went off to Sunday Mass, left orders not to be disturbed, and at day's end turned in for a long night's sleep.
The Flag of Europe. The results astounded even composed Konrad Adenauer. From the historic election, no party was left strong enough to challenge Konrad Adenauer's Christian Democrats, and no person or bloc within the Christian Democrats was left strong enough to challenge Konrad Adenauer. When his followers gathered at the Chancellery steps next morning to salute him, Adenauer smiled his thoughtful, deep-frozen smile. "Perhaps," said he, "we have won by a little too much."
Adenauer's victory was a victory for Europe, and the West's big cold-war success of 1953. When the striped German flag was raised in post-election triumph above the Chancellor's Palais Schaumburg, the green and white flag of European unity was run up alongside it. "The elections," said Konrad Adenauer, "have decided that Europe will come about, that the EDC will come about, and that the cold war is lost for Russia."
By 1953's end, his certainty was not so widely snared. France might or might not ratify EDC. But Germany's vote had saved it from death in 1953, and kept alive the hope that in 1954, Europe might yet be born.
If the European dream does come true, Adenauer will go down in history as one of its creators. If it fails, his efforts will still have served West Germany well. He has won her respectability.