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Even before the state of emergency was invoked, U.S. statements indicated signs of pique and discouragement over events in South Africa. A month ago, after Pretoria put in place its quasi-independent government in Namibia, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Chester Crocker, the architect of the constructive-engagement policy, remarked, "If, by some chance, South Africa intends to go on its own in a totally different direction from the one we've been pursuing, they will indeed be on their own." Other U.S. officials spoke of "broken promises," "unacceptable behavior" and "unconstructive acts." Snapped one: "The Afrikaners are a highly destructive people. They have a warped sense of reality. They just don't look at the long term."
While that may be true, it should be acknowledged that the long term is not easy to divine. Most analysts agree that the South African government can contain the present violence and that an allout bloodbath is not at hand. The important question is whether the Afrikaners are prepared to recognize the rising warning signs and seek accommodation. As the numbers telling of detention and death climbed, Naudé admonished, "I am saying to the government and the white community: For God's sake, before this country goes up in flames, please hear the voice of reason that calls for justice and peace in this land." --By William E. Smith. Reported by Peter Hawthorne and Bruce W. Nelan/Johannesburg and William Stewart/Washington
LAND OF CONTRASTS[This article contains a table. Please see hardcopy of magazine or PDF.]
4.9 (15%) (2.9 coloreds and 1.0 Asians)
23.9[*] (73%) [*] includes "independent" homelands
A few restrictions, but rarely enforced
Outside of homelands, passbook must be carried at all times
All whites are entitled to vote and are represented in the all-white House of Assembly
No representation in South African Parliament, only in homelands. Parliamentary houses for Indians and coloreds were elected in 1984
70 years
57.5 years
$8,260
$1,815
$780
$110
$94
$41
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