Will Tea Partyers Quash Bennett's Re-Election Bid?

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Republican Utah Senator Robert Bennett

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Rob Jordan, an executive at the conservative organization FreedomWorks, which has marshaled its resources to support Mike Lee, says that Utah's system "allowed us to have a big impact without expending a lot of resources." FreedomWorks is trying to sway delegates' opinions with direct mail, robocalls and phone-bank campaigns. Another conservative organization, the Club for Growth, also has Bennett in its crosshairs, bombarding the Senator with negative ads.

"It's a perfect storm for Bennett," Kelly Patterson, a political-science professor at Brigham Young University, says of Utah's nomination process. "Normally someone like Senator Bennett would do really well in a primary. He would have the opportunity to attract moderate voters. But the convention is activist, and it favors candidates who can connect with activist delegates." Another recent Tribune poll underscores that argument; fully 39% of Utah Republican voters support Bennett's candidacy — a figure that far outstrips Lee's 20% and Bridgewater's 14%, and a near-mirror opposite of the survey that suggested the incumbent was limping toward the guillotine.

By their own admission, Utah's GOP delegates are a different breed. Nearly 70% consider themselves Tea Party supporters. They are weary of Washington's old-boy network and are eager to depose candidates who flunk ideological purity tests. And they want their voices heard. Kirkham, the Utah Tea Party organizer, says that if Bennett had sought out his detractors to talk policy, it might have softened the backlash. "I'm not chasing after you. You're a Senator. Great," Kirkham says. "We elected you. It's not like you're God."

But it's not like Bennett has been resting on his laurels either. He poured $2.5 million into his re-election campaign — more than 20 times the spending of his nearest foe — and has recently devoted much of his time to canvassing his home state and touting his accomplishments. (His attendance record in Congress has plummeted accordingly.) "It's retail politics at its ultimate," Dave Hansen, Utah's Republican Party chairman, says of Utah's system. Hansen, who has remained neutral in the race, argues that the small number of delegates requires candidates to court them face to face, a process that yields a more informed voter.

Still, does empowering a small group of voters to make that choice enhance democracy or stifle it? Jowers argues that apart from the keystone issues — states' rights and the economy — Republican delegates have profiles and hot buttons vastly different from those of the average party member. Those differences can disenfranchise some voters — including women, who comprised 55% of Utah GOP voters in 2008 but are comparatively underrepresented in the delegate pool. "It's kind of surreal," he says. "If he gets to the primary, then I would put my money on Bennett. But it's a real question whether he can get there."

As the campaign approaches its conclusion, Bennett is hoping for a boost from the endorsement of Mitt Romney, the state's most popular politician. He's also leaning heavily on his record and connections — the ranking minority member of the Rules Committee and an adviser to Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell, Bennett has leveraged his spot on the Appropriations Committee to fund transportation and water projects — but that can have a downside in an anti-incumbent cycle. "He's reminding delegates how powerful he is and how effective he can be. [He's] making them come face to face with a serious choice," says Patterson. "It's about the only card he has left to play."

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