The Man With The Plan

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Ross's credibility is due in some part to longevity. In an unusual Washington feat, he traversed Administrations from Republican to Democrat after Clinton's 1992 victory. "Ross just blew everyone away with how brilliant he was," says former Clinton spokesman Mike McCurry. As evidence, his former bosses, not usually the most talkative of men, return calls about Ross within minutes. "I don't do this very often," says Warren Christopher, taking time from his duties head-hunting for Al Gore's prospective vice-presidential candidate, "but Dennis is a special favorite. I've never known anyone more deeply committed to the pursuit of peace and willing to make personal sacrifices for it." Ross has critics, of course. The primary ones have been on the Arab side of the negotiating table, who distrust him because he is Jewish and who say that he takes the Israeli side. "Ross represented the ugly American and the Jewish enemy," says a senior P.L.O. official. Even some former Bush Administration officials, nominally fans of Ross, agree. "He has a fundamental emotional commitment to the state of Israel," says one. "Sometimes that gets in the way of objectivity."

Other critics focus on his secretiveness. Famous for that closely held binder and his lack of a paper trail, Ross shares only with his immediate superiors--Clinton, Berger and Albright--the most sensitive information on talks, and some say the lack of witnesses and signed documents leaves him vulnerable to those who would go back on their word. But most colleagues say such tactics are an asset, not a liability. "It makes his role all the more essential," says Ed Abington, a former member of Ross's team. In fact, the joke at State is that essential Ross has found lifetime employment in trying to bring peace to the Middle East, where deals take decades to mature. But if he manages a pact this week, he'll happily be one step closer to needing a new job.